Point 1 is devastating: Creating a phantom market where properties can only be sold to the tiny pool of cash landlords willing to buy tenant-occupied properties at 30% discounts. Rural properties become completely worthless - who's buying a tenant-in-situ farm cottage for cash?
Point 2 is the death spiral: Properties with 2016 below-market rents are mathematical liabilities. When your €950 rent can only increase 2% while costs inflate 4-5%, you're bleeding money forever. The property becomes a financial albatross you can't escape.
Point 3 shows the trap: They've kept the world's strictest rent controls AND added new ones. It's not reform - it's doubling down on what already broke the system.
Point 4 is maybe the worst: The complexity isn't accidental. Criminal prosecution for paperwork errors when the rules are deliberately incomprehensible? That's not regulation - it's entrapment.
I've used AI to help me make sense of my thoughts and was wondering if you think the below might worth sending ??
Draft integrated letter for TD or Minister
Subject: Balancing tenant protections with a viable private rental sector
Dear [Minister/Deputy Name],
As a taxpayer and small private landlord who has followed the recent Oireachtas hearings and public commentary on the
Residential Tenancies (Amendment) Bill 2025, I wanted to share a perspective that aims to balance the legitimate interests of tenants with the practical realities for landlords like me. The goal is not to roll back protections, but to make the system sustainable for everyone.
1. Clarify the State’s role versus the private sector
Ireland has leaned heavily on small private landlords to house households who, in other countries, would be in social or cost‑rental housing. Over time, the private rental sector has become a de‑facto extension of the social housing system—without equivalent funding or support.
If we want strong security of tenure and low eviction risk for vulnerable households, that responsibility should rest primarily with the State through an expanded social and cost‑rental sector, not through ever‑tightening obligations on small private providers.
2. Vacant possession as a core ownership right
Current and proposed reforms significantly restrict owners’ ability to sell with vacant possession, especially for those counted as “large” landlords. Even for smaller landlords, the mix of extended six‑year tenancies and narrow termination grounds leaves few practical routes to sell unencumbered.
This erodes what most people regard as a basic incident of ownership — the ability, after due notice and fair process, to recover the property and sell on the open market. I accept that tenants need genuine security, but removing this right entirely is neither fair nor proportionate.
Today, there is
no functioning market for tenants‑in‑situ sales. Once the keys are handed over, values drop by an estimated 30%. Banks rarely lend for buy‑to‑let, and with new restrictions, even fewer buyers will qualify. This means sellers are confined to a tiny number of cash investors, rendering many properties — especially rural ones — unsaleable.
3. Rent controls and uneconomic tenancies
Long‑term rent pressure zone caps have locked many landlords into
sub‑market rents. Costs for insurance, maintenance, compliance and interest have risen sharply, but rents for sitting tenants can only grow by 2% a year. Without a realistic path to recover costs, properties eventually become loss‑making.
Ireland’s rent control framework is already among the world’s most restrictive. The introduction of a second reference‑rent system between tenancies further discourages investment and stifles supply.
4. Complexity, compliance and disproportionate risk
Layering new rules on top of the old has created a system so complex that even careful landlords can fall foul of technicalities. A missed form or incorrect date can expose an individual to
criminal prosecution, a wholly disproportionate consequence for what is often an honest procedural mistake.
5. Practical, balanced reforms
A balanced approach could include:
- Maintaining six‑year tenancies, but guaranteeing one clear, time‑bounded route to vacant possession at the end of each cycle.
- Using tax and planning incentives—for instance, CGT reliefs for tenant‑in‑situ or cost‑rental sales—rather than outright bans, to make tenant‑friendly exits attractive.
- Introducing a one‑off “catch‑up” mechanism for long‑standing under‑rented tenancies, combined with ongoing caps to avoid large shocks.
- Investing in RTB capacity to ensure faster mediation and adjudication, protecting both tenants and landlords from drawn‑out disputes.
- Scaling up social and cost‑rental supply so that vulnerable households are housed primarily through public, not private, tenancies.
If designed this way, the rental system could genuinely work for tenants, landlords, and the Exchequer alike rather than fuelling further exits and shortages.
Thank you for your attention to these concerns. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss them in more detail or to share real‑world examples from the sector.
Yours sincerely,
[Your Name]
[Your Address]
[Your Contact Information]