The main difference is that in this country we tax the bejasus out of income but leave wealth alone, thereby making it harder to turn income into wealth.Note that income and wealth are different, although related.
Wealth data here:
From an income point of view we are amongst the most unequal in the EU before State redistribution but amongst the most equal after State redistribution. When people claim that the country is run for the benefit of the rich I point out that if that is so then they are doing a terrible job of looking after themselves.I wonder how the numbers on some form of support from Govt, be it housing, or income payment, skews this. Maybe it doesn't.
If I can pay all the bills, run a nice car, pay the mortgage and socialise but still have a surplus then it's easy for me to do a bit of future planning with the surplus. It's also more attractive as my capital assets appreciate far faster than my income increases.I see the figures in these stats. I find them hard to reconcile with what I see though. I see people living at a level that seems at odds with their income. Mostly at the low and middle earners. Anyone I know at the top end of earners, is relatively, frugal, in context of that they earn. Its not just that people are living beyond their means, or its all on credit, or very good at making the most of their money.
I would see AAM reflects some of these. You have people on low incomes struggling. You have people on high incomes mainly future planning, or investing. Well off people being frugal. That makes sense. You don't really get the people living way beyond their means or a credit bubble.
The really annoying thing about that comment is that he’s not wrong.“For one euro of extra wellbeing that you bring to Ireland by playing that kind of game, you are imposing 10 or 20 or 30 euros of damages to other countries, to the rest of the world, and to the planet,” he says.
Only around 3% of the population ever pay inheritance tax. Increasing the threshold is a tax break for the rich.New data on transfers of wealth:
“The extra income that Ireland is generating by trying to be business-friendly, in practice means a lot of fake accounting of international corporations booking their profits in Ireland with economic activity which, in fact, is not happening in Ireland
“For one euro of extra wellbeing that you bring to Ireland by playing that kind of game, you are imposing 10 or 20 or 30 euros of damages to other countries, to the rest of the world, and to the planet,” he says.
We are getting huge tax windfalls which, in fairness, should be received by other countries.
Ireland's economic model is damaging to other countries.
It suggests that incomes could be up to 5:1 and wealth 10:1 and would be paid for by everybody not already with-in those ratios plus a World Sovereign Wealth fund. So no issues for you to be paid €300k while I’m on the average €60k and no issue for you to have €2.5m wealth while I have the average €250k.the key theme seems to be the creation of some kind of New World Wrder where everyone benefits equally - whatever their talents and skills and endevours/efforts - all paid for by "billionaires."
Surely a country's economic policy and fiscal approach should prioritize its own citizens?
I agree. I never really understood the issue with our FDI tax regime to be honest and I've never understood the criticism of it other than the fact that depending on large amounts of tax receipts from a relatively small number of large multinationals is an obvious risk. So what if IP and the revenues arising get located here? Aren't the corporation tax receipts that accrue real as far as our national budget goes? Wasn't the Apple €14Bn real money?My answer to that would be - "so what?" Surely a country's economic policy and fiscal approach should prioritize its own citizens? We have plenty of disadvantages, including our peripheral location, relatively low population density, lower economies of scale etc. We have to compensate somehow and play to our strengths. (If only we weren't blowing that windfall like drunken sailors.)
Well, it's worth remembering that we didn't actually want the €14bn. What we reallly wanted was to tax Apple profits in the years concerned at an effective rate of 0.005%; we fought tooth and nail against the EU's attempt to make us assess them to the larger amount. It's only because we lost that fight that we got the €14bn.Aren't the corporation tax receipts that accrue real as far as our national budget goes? Wasn't the Apple €14Bn real money?
It seems to me that you can justify Ireland (or any other country) imposing tax at whatever rate it wants on profits genuinely generated from activities carried on in Ireland - low tax rates to attract investment and/or promote domestic economic activity, basically. That's fine. But that's not the same thing as low tax rates for profits which are moved to Ireland (or any other country) without any associated economic activity being moved along with them.
The latter promotes competition among countries in which, effectively, they all lose out — no country gets more than nominal tax revenue from the shifted profits — and the big winners are multinational corporations and their shareholders. And we might reasonably ask whether this is a good outcome and, if so, why?
Perhaps it would because of the small scale. But look at the competition between states in the US. Would it be a terrible thing if Cavan or Leitrim could set their own attractive tax rates or business friendly policies to attract inward investment?Think of the 26 counties. If we decided to let each county set its own Income Tax, it would cause havoc.
I'm not sure why Cavan cutting expenditure to reduce local taxes so as attract investment that might otherwise go to Leitrim, or vice versa, would be good thing for Ireland as a whole. (Or even, quite honestly, for Cavan or Leitrim, as the case may be.)Perhaps it would because of the small scale. But look at the competition between states in the US. Would it be a terrible thing if Cavan or Leitrim could set their own attractive tax rates or business friendly policies to attract inward investment?