Colm Fagan
Registered User
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@Duke of Marmalade posted yesterday on another thread:
"What a dog's dinner the 2018 Strawman is turning out to be. Here is the litany of errors.
1. Four providers would compete at the retail level. That has now been changed to the CPA being the single interface with the end user.
2. Those who did not want to choose a provider would be apportioned one on a random basis - the carousel. This nonsense was quickly dropped.
3. The proposition would follow the SSIA successful precedent, in particular benefits would not be taxed. Have they actually ditched this silliness? The fact is that we know nothing about the decumulation phase despite being promised in 2018 that this key aspect would be sorted out in time for launch. Not so.
4. The 0.5% cap on AMC is conspicuously absent from the Heads of Bill, though the DSP do still claim that this is the intention.
5. And finally the (two) elephants in the room. They have not addressed the two major distortions (in different directions) caused by introducing this 1 for 3 top up instead of the traditional tax relief. The least of the worries is that this causes is the need for parallel systems. It simply won't work."
The Duke is right. It's a mess. The question is how to fix it. One problem area is differences in tax treatment between conventional pensions and AE. I once thought that Brian Woods' suggestion of giving all AE contributors the 1 for 3 top-up AND giving them entitlement to tax relief in the same way as a conventional pension BUT eliminating double incentivisation by negative tax credits (see the attached submission to the SSISI) would do the trick. But it doesn't. It means that low-income (say 20% taxpayers) do worse under conventional pensions, so it would force the closure of all such schemes, at least for contributions up to the AE limit.
Having thought about it some more, I conclude that the best way forward (not perfect - nothing is perfect, given that the 1 for 3 top-up was poorly thought-out in the first place) is to operate AE completely outside the tax and SW systems and to match the 1 for 3 top-up on the way in with a 25% deduction from all benefits on exit. There is gross roll-up in the fund.
It is very reasonable to ask why treat everyone the same. The answer is that it's the job of the tax and SW systems to ensure that the poor are protected and that the rich pay a fair proportion of the cost of keeping the show on the road. To ask the AE system to help achieve that purpose is sending a girl out to do a woman's job.
I agree with critics that there's an element of smoke and mirrors to my proposal and that it's reasonable to ask why government is effectively investing some of its money in the AE system, since it's certain to get it back eventually. One could argue that it's some compensation for all the hidden liabilities the state has in other areas. Its big plus though is that it reduces the risk of existing good pension schemes being closed just because of AE, as would be true for the proposed scheme as currently envisaged.
I should add, finally, that this is quite separate from any arguments about the merits of my smoothed equity proposal, other than I'm proposing contributions from employers and workers of just 3% of earnings (rather than 6%) and 1% rather than 2% from the state. This leaves more room for top-ups under conventional pension arrangements.
"What a dog's dinner the 2018 Strawman is turning out to be. Here is the litany of errors.
1. Four providers would compete at the retail level. That has now been changed to the CPA being the single interface with the end user.
2. Those who did not want to choose a provider would be apportioned one on a random basis - the carousel. This nonsense was quickly dropped.
3. The proposition would follow the SSIA successful precedent, in particular benefits would not be taxed. Have they actually ditched this silliness? The fact is that we know nothing about the decumulation phase despite being promised in 2018 that this key aspect would be sorted out in time for launch. Not so.
4. The 0.5% cap on AMC is conspicuously absent from the Heads of Bill, though the DSP do still claim that this is the intention.
5. And finally the (two) elephants in the room. They have not addressed the two major distortions (in different directions) caused by introducing this 1 for 3 top up instead of the traditional tax relief. The least of the worries is that this causes is the need for parallel systems. It simply won't work."
The Duke is right. It's a mess. The question is how to fix it. One problem area is differences in tax treatment between conventional pensions and AE. I once thought that Brian Woods' suggestion of giving all AE contributors the 1 for 3 top-up AND giving them entitlement to tax relief in the same way as a conventional pension BUT eliminating double incentivisation by negative tax credits (see the attached submission to the SSISI) would do the trick. But it doesn't. It means that low-income (say 20% taxpayers) do worse under conventional pensions, so it would force the closure of all such schemes, at least for contributions up to the AE limit.
Having thought about it some more, I conclude that the best way forward (not perfect - nothing is perfect, given that the 1 for 3 top-up was poorly thought-out in the first place) is to operate AE completely outside the tax and SW systems and to match the 1 for 3 top-up on the way in with a 25% deduction from all benefits on exit. There is gross roll-up in the fund.
It is very reasonable to ask why treat everyone the same. The answer is that it's the job of the tax and SW systems to ensure that the poor are protected and that the rich pay a fair proportion of the cost of keeping the show on the road. To ask the AE system to help achieve that purpose is sending a girl out to do a woman's job.
I agree with critics that there's an element of smoke and mirrors to my proposal and that it's reasonable to ask why government is effectively investing some of its money in the AE system, since it's certain to get it back eventually. One could argue that it's some compensation for all the hidden liabilities the state has in other areas. Its big plus though is that it reduces the risk of existing good pension schemes being closed just because of AE, as would be true for the proposed scheme as currently envisaged.
I should add, finally, that this is quite separate from any arguments about the merits of my smoothed equity proposal, other than I'm proposing contributions from employers and workers of just 3% of earnings (rather than 6%) and 1% rather than 2% from the state. This leaves more room for top-ups under conventional pension arrangements.